In 1804, Haiti became the first independent black republic in the world following a slave revolution. 200 years later, devastated by colonialism and violence, it was placed under United Nations military occupation. The New Dictatorship of Haiti traces the country's recent history, from the 2004 coup against President Aristide to the Duvalier dictatorship. The article begins by talking about Haiti in the colonial period. Columbus left a settlement behind and immediately began the devastation of the indigenous population through brutal violence, forced labor, and disease. Over the next century, the original populations of many of Spain's new colonies were wiped out, thereby reducing the pool of forced labor. Haiti was therefore one of the first destinations for men and women captured during the transatlantic slave trade. In the 16th and 17th centuries, European colonial powers, including Spain, the Netherlands, England, and France, fought naval battles directly and through proxies over colonial possessions in America. France began settling settlers in western Hispaniola in the 17th century, and at the end of that century the Spanish ceded western Hispaniola to the French, who called the colony St Domingue. By the end of the 18th century, the slave population far exceeded that of the white population. Slave resistance was constant and, in many ways, successful: They plundered plantations, liberated others, and, like slaves in Brazil, Colombia, elsewhere in the Caribbean, and the United States, founded brown societies of escaped slaves. Haiti's independence was won in a bitter and brutal revolt against the French colonial masters, the only successful slave revolt in history. Despite Toussaint's willingness to make all concessions except the reimposition of slavery, including allowing the colony to remain a part of France, the French under Napoleon ultimately decided to wage a genocidal campaign: if the population of Haiti had not been possessed from France, should have been completely destroyed. They destroy the streets with bullets; throw corpses and horses into all the fountains; burn and destroy everything, so that those who have come to enslave us have before their eyes the image of that hell they deserve. When the War of Independence ended in 1804, Haiti was divided between two revolutionary generals, Alexandre Petion as president in the south and Henri Christophe as king in the north. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an original essay. Similarly, Haiti may have hoped that the United States, once it became independent, could embrace its independent neighbor. The United States refused to recognize Haiti and feared the example of a successful slave revolt. Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the former camp slave who had led the final struggle for independence after the capture of Toussaint L'Ouverture, declared himself emperor after the victory, but was assassinated shortly thereafter. Alexandre Petion, president of Haiti after Dessaline's assassination, helped the South American revolutionary Simon Bolivar in the fight for independence against Spain. The indemnity was 150 million francs, calculated on the profits that the colonists could have obtained in that period: it represented the annual budget of France plus ten years of income from the plantations and estates destroyed during the war. A French bank lent Haiti 30 million francs for the first installment, deducting management fees and charging exorbitant interest: when the payments were completed, Haiti was 6 million francs deeper.It took Haiti 122 years until 1947 to finish paying the indemnity debt. Scorched earth warfare, disunity, and indemnity prevented Haiti from establishing itself economically. The colonists' monopoly on skills and organization before the revolution meant that after the revolution, when the colonists left or were massacred, the country had a skills shortage. A further earthquake in 1843, as well as hurricanes and epidemics were also devastating. Shortly after the civil war in the United States, Haiti was finally recognized. Burdened by these crippling debts, Haiti could hardly move forward. In the 1910s, this influence was symbolized by HASCO, The Haitian American Sugar Company. Like United Fruit in the banana republics of Latin America, HASCO was an important player in Haitian politics and a vehicle. As the economic power of the United States grew in the nineteenth century, so did its influence on Haiti. In 1915, US Marines invaded Haiti. When the Marines left 19 years later in 1934, the United States reserved a special role for itself. The United States left two military forces to use against the population, the Gendarmerie and the National Guard, which evolved into the Haitian Army. Two years later, in 1937, the US-backed Trujillo dictatorship in the Dominican Republic massacred thousands of Haitian workers. , in a systematically planned five-day pogrom. In his history of the period, Matthew Smith argues that the Haitian government may have had enough strength to stop the massacres, but it was focused on domestic threats to its own stability and not the safety of its people, who did not even have international champions. . The Haitian government accepted a $750,000 compensation for the victims' families in exchange for canceling an independent investigation into the massacre. In 1941, the Société Haitiano-Americaine de Developpement Agricole, or SHADA, was created with a $5 million grant from the U.S. Export-Import Bank. Elected by parliament with surprise and disbelief in Port-au-Prince, he found people shouting threats and insults at him, while many women, according to one observer, were on their knees crying miserably. Estime used clientelism to gain a certain degree of popular support, brought into his government some socialists associated with the popular movement, and initiated a certain degree of economic planning. When this caught the attention of the United States, Estime removed socialist ministers from his cabinet, while attempting a modest program of reforms, including raising minimum wages, an income tax, new labor laws, inspectors of work, cooperatives, school rehabilitation and a rural development campaign. The US corporations, SHADA and HASCO, labeled as communist by the Estimes administration; US banks have denied government debt relief and new loans. Estime led a successful public campaign to raise domestic funds to repay a $5 million loan, but was again rebuffed in most of his efforts to obtain new loans from the United States. A poorly planned attempt to nationalize the banana industry damaged Haiti's market share and its economy. and the finances of his government. He was ousted in a coup by the National Guard, which he had renamed the Haitian Army in 1950. Philip Magloire's post-coup regime repaired any tension in relations with the United States and created an anti-communist dictatorship allied with Trujillo's Dominican Republic and Batistas Cuba. The United States came to Papa Docs' aid in 1959, when some Haitian exiles staged an insurrection againstthe dictator. The U.S. Marines and Navy deployed to help defeat the rebels and end the insurrection. Papa Doc held elections in 1961 and eliminated all effective opposition in 1964, naming himself President for life in the Constitution and granting himself the right to nominate his successor. By the time Papa Doc died in 1971, the regime had killed 30,000-60,000 people, tortured and exiled many more, and embezzled $10 million from Papa Doc's small treasury for personal use. The Baby Docs regime was no different in its abuses or in support of the United States. In the period between Baby Doc's departure and the January 1988 elections, the FADH killed more people than Baby Doc had killed in the previous 15 years. That year, 1988, there was an internal revolt within the FADH, led by General Prosper Avril, who took control from Namphy in a coup. Popular resistance, however, did not stop and in 1990 Avril was forced to cede power to a civilian member of the Supreme Court, Ertha Pascal Trouillot, and flee, again on board an American plane. The popular movement continued, demanding economic reforms, an end to corruption and justice for the victims of the FADH and Tonton Macoute. In response, the Haitian right also mobilized: Roger Lafontant, former head of the Tonton Macoute, Duvalierist Minister of Defense and the Interior, organized a series of right-wing demonstrations between July and December 1990. Faced with an explosive situation, the embassy American pressured the FADH to allow another election. The Lavalas movement decided in October to contest the elections rather than boycott them, with Aristide as its presidential candidate. The United States sponsored Marc Bazin, a former World Bank employee, with a platform based on privatization and regressive income redistribution. Aristide won 67% of the vote in an election hailed as free and fair by observers from the UN, the United States and the Organization of American States. Bazin, his closest rival, won with 14%. Aristide's election represented an important change in Haiti's historical pattern. Aristide's inauguration was scheduled for February 7, 1991. Tonton leader Macoute Lafontant captured the presidential palace and took President Trouillot hostage. Lavalas rallied in the streets and the FADH reversed the coup. Aristide took power as expected and appointed René Preval, an agronomist linked to the popular movement in the countryside, as prime minister. When parliament attempted to pass a no-confidence measure against Preval in August, Lavalas again mobilized to protest. Aristide began to move to dismantle the army, to separate the police from the army. The commission never began work because Aristide was overthrown in a coup on September 29, 1991. Shortly after the coup, Aristide would appoint a new prime minister, sanctions would be lifted, the army would be reformed, the coup plotters would have been amnestied. , and Aristide would return to power on October 30, 1993, with the help of a United Nations peacekeeping force. October 30th passed and the massacres continued. The United States attempted, unsuccessfully, to convince Aristide to sign up to other plans, in which there would be an even more pervasive amnesty and in which Aristide would share power with a prime minister chosen by the United States. That same year the United States began a full-blown aid embargo on Haiti, as Republicans used Haiti's election dispute as an opportunity to discredit Aristide, who had won a landslide victory in the November 2000 elections with 92 percent of the vote. votes cast on a voter turnout. of 50% of.